Farmers Organizations requesting not to pass land reforms bill through “Ordinance” for the state of Karnataka

To,

His Excellency

Honorable Governor

Sri Vajubhai Rudabhai Valaji

Government of Karnataka

India

Honorable Sir,

Subject: Requesting not to pass land reforms bill through “Ordinance” for the state of Karnataka

The Government of Karnataka is ready to pass many bills such as APMC bill, Electricity bill, Essential Commodity bill and the Land Reforms Bill. These bills are highly objected to by Farmers organization, Social thinkers, specialists’ people and common persons across the state of Karnataka.

The Legislative Assembly plans to pass the Land reforms bill through an Ordinance. This move is highly condemned by all farmers’ organizations, individual peasants and women farmers, land-less labourers and others. Today the farming community consists of almost 70% of the total population of which 51% are direct farmers. Land reforms is a sensitive issue. It is an issue that concerns the lives of farmers and that of farming systems, culture, tradition, bio-diversity, water and forest lands, and the lives of millions of other persons such as artisans, pot makers, weavers, handicrafts and the rural economy as a whole.

We urge you to take note of the following issues:

1. The Government of Karnataka is trying to bring amendments to the following Sections:

Sec 79(a): Non-Agriculture income should not exceed 25 lakhs to buy an agriculture land

Sec 79(b): Only practicing farmers who own Pahani from their ancestors can buy agriculture lands

Sec 79(c): If found guilty in buying agriculture land they will be prosecuted by the act of law

Sec 63: A family of 5 and below can buy agriculture land upto 54 acres and family above 5 members can buy upto 108 acres. 108 acres is the maximum ceiling limit.

Sec 80: Agriculture land cannot be used for non-agriculture purposes

The Government of Karnataka is going to bring amendments to all the above quoted sections. If Sec 79(a) and 79 (b) gets waved, then anyone can buy agriculture lands with whatever his/her income levels and whoever he/she is concerned. Then automatically 79(c) will lose its functionality and existence. The Government is also trying to dilute the strength of Land ceiling limits of Sec 63. It now proposes that a family of 5 or less than that can own 108 acres and family of more than 5 members can own upto 216 acres. This dilution of Sec 63 will give scope for huge land banks and aggregators. It is said that Sec 80 will also be diluted, a person if he/she wish to convert that land for non-agricultural purposes, he/she can appeal to that District Commissioner and if that DC does not give permission within 30 days, it will be deemed that land will be converted.

2. Corona group of virus have become pandemic across the globe. State of Karnataka has already crossed 10000 plus cases and it is increasing everyday by the hundreds. As per the estimates by medical technical team, it is said that Covid infection will reach its peak in Aug-Oct. The Government of Karnataka cannot use this time to pass any bills where public discussions and consultancy cannot be held. This Covid virus is virulent for the people who are aged 65 and above, but unfortunately all farmer leaders are 60 plus in age, and cannot come outside their homes to protest against this. The fact that the Government is now ready to pass Ordinance in this stage indicates a violation of the basic norms of democracy.

3. There are already 83,000 plus cases relating to land access and rights pending in the court of law, and all these are violative of the rules of 79 (a) & (b). Now, the government is ready to dismiss all the cases pending in the court as per the statement of ministers. This leads to the loss of fundamental rights of justice and social equity.

4. Due to Covid pandemic, thousands of people have returned to their native villages, and it is now the due duty of the government to think and rework on programs such as MGNREGA and other rural development schemes to make ensure their livelihood security. Instead, by proposing these draconian new laws via ordinances the government is pushing rural people into drudgery.

5. Nearly 80% of farmers in Karnataka are small and medium farmers. These are the farmers who bring food security to the state. These farmers today suffer from climate change, uncertain rainfall, pest and disease, low soil carbon, insecure market, high production costs and so on. Under such conditions the government should not further pauperise rural people by enforcing them to sell their land and become labourers on their own fields. The Government needs to address these issues to make their lives and lands viable and sustainable.

6. The Agriculture minister has said that agriculture graduates are not in a position to do scientific advanced agriculture since they don’t own agriculture lands. We raise questions about this statement. How many agriculture graduates and masters practice agriculture today? In reality many are working in multinational seeds, fertilizers, and pesticide companies. They are in great demands in banks. Many of them are in civil services etc. Hardly 1% of them go into agriculture or return to their villages. “Scientific agriculture” has become a great failure today. 0ur farmers who have mastered farming from hundreds of years are in great distress due to the vicious cycle of debts, and therefore parents do not want their son or a daughter to do agriculture in their respective villages. This is the fact and bitter ground truth. Another question is how many applications or letters have come from agriculture graduates to the minister requesting land for agriculture? Does the government have details of this?

7. Land degradation and desertification are the major concerns in Karnataka. As per the Desertification Atlas by ISRO it is said 36.24% of land have already been degraded due to over exploitation of agriculture lands, soil and water. If the proposed amendments via the ordinances are made, then the competitive exploitation of ground resources will increase. As of now, most of the villages have gone more than 800 feet for underground water. The suggested reforms and amendments will render land to see become only investment commodities and thereby subject to exploitation by advanced chemicals, mono-cropping, heavy water use, and hybridization etc. This will further have a cascading effect on land degradation and underground water in coming years.

8. Forest lands, as per the Forest survey of India is only 18.5% – 19% (out of minimal 33% to balance ecology). Usually villages and human civilization will be on the downstream of forest and mountain lands. If the village lands start exploiting underground water in the name of scientific agriculture due to competition, all these forest lands will be deprived of underground water and start converting into thorny shrub forests and later may ruin themselves. There will be a greater loss of Bio-diversity. This is worst sign causing irreversible damage to ecology and environment. Agriculture needs to be seen as a part of environment. If we degrade the environment, we will end up in great crisis.

9. Food security of the state and the nation will be assured by farmers, who work with the knowledge that they have learnt from their ancestors over hundreds and thousands of years and this great wisdom will be severely threatened. Agriculture is a greater science with nature starting from predicting rainfall, ploughing lands, sowing seeds, harrowing, weeding, crop care, harvesting and packing, post-harvest measures, storage of seeds etc. Farmers do all these operations with great love, and they have compassion for soil, plants and trees. For farmers their fields are their universe. If land is rendered into only a business opportunity, then they will not be able to assure the state or nation of any productivity. Food and nutritional security can be assured only by farmers. So, it is a question of both farmers’ and the larger public’s food security. The proposed land reform is a serious threat to farmer’s sovereignty.

We hereby request our honorable Governor, government of Karnataka, not to pass the Ordinance to the Land reform bill since it is the question of every farmer’s life, farming system and of our bio diversity, forest and pasture lands, ponds, streams, rivers and other water bodies, culture and tradition, life and humanity as a whole. 


We urge you to uphold the norms and processes of democracy and not sign this Bill and the Ordinances.

Thanking you

With Regards

Farmers Organizations who are concerned against Land Reforms in the State of Karnataka:

Karnataka Rajya Raitha Sangha hagu Hasiru Sene: Badagalapura Nagendra: 9449264917

Amrita Bhoomi: Chukki Nanjundaswami: 9482164376

Karnataka Prantha Raitha Sangha: G C Byyareddy: 9448230121

Karnataka Rajya Raitha Virodhi Kayade Horata Samithi: Kurubur Shanthakumar: 9448060640

Gram Seva Sangh: Rangakarmi Prasanna: 9008484880

J H Patel foundation: Mahima Patel: 7899458609

The School of Natural Farming: Manjunath H: 9632226229

Tumkur Science Centre: Yathiraju C: 9481677607

Punarchith: Dr. A R Vasavi: 9448360215

Rashtriya Swabhiman Andolan: Madavan C P: 7899939414

Rashtriya kisan mahasangh: Suresh patil: 9845253134

Swadeshi andolan: K V Biju (All India Org Secretary): 9871368252

Karnataka Rashtra Samithi Party: Mallikarjun: 9880665397

WordPress: Narasimha Reddy Donthi: 0091-40-24077804

Rashtriya Kisan Sangh: Konche Shivarudrappa: 9448705384

Karnataka Rajya Raitha Sangha: K T Gangadhar (Rajya varistaru): 9448524928

Contact email: agrigrowind@gmail.com, schoolofnaturalfarming@gmail.com.

ಭೂ ಹರಣದ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ಗ್ರಾಮಸ್ಥರೇ ಸಿಡಿದೇಳಬೇಕು

‘ಭೂಸುಧಾರಣಾ ಕಾಯ್ದೆಗೆ ಸರ್ಕಾರ ತಿದ್ದುಪಡಿ ಮಾಡಿ, ಯಾರು ಬೇಕಾದರೂ ಕೃಷಿ ಭೂಮಿ ಕೊಳ್ಳಬಹುದು ಎಂದಾಗಿಬಿಟ್ಟರೆ ಪರಿಸ್ಥಿತಿ ಊಹಿಸಕ್ಕೇ ಸಾಧ್ಯವಿಲ್ಲ. ಯಾವೋನಾದರೂ ಬಂಡವಾಳಗಾರ ಬಂದು ನಮ್ಮ ಭೂಮಿಗೆ ಒಂದಕ್ಕೆರಡು ಬೆಲೆ ಕಟ್ಟಿಬಿಟ್ಟರೆ ನಮ್ಮ ಸುತ್ತಮುತ್ತ ಅನೇಕ ರೈತರು ಭೂಮಿ ಮಾರಿ ಬಿಡುತ್ತಾರೆ. ಆಗ ಮಧ್ಯದಲ್ಲಿ ಸೇರಿಕೊಂಡ ನಾನೂ ಮಾರಾಟ ಮಾಡದೆ ಬೇರೆ ದಾರಿಯೇ ಇರುವುದಿಲ್ಲ’. ಮೈಸೂರು ಭಾಗದ ರಾಷ್ಟ್ರ ಪ್ರಶಸ್ತಿ ವಿಜೇತ ಸಾವಯವ ಕೃಷಿಕರೊಬ್ಬರು ಬಹಳ ನೋವಿನಿಂದ ಹೇಳಿದ ಮಾತಿದು. ಅವರ ಕುಟುಂಬ ಎಷ್ಟೋ ತಲೆಮಾರುಗಳಿಂದ ಅಲ್ಲಿ ಬೇಸಾಯ ಮಾಡುತ್ತಾ ಬಂದಿದೆ. ಭೂಮಿ ಮಾರಾಟ ಮಾಡುವ ಒತ್ತಡಕ್ಕೆ ಸಿಲುಕುವ ರೈತರ ಅಸಹಾಯಕತೆ, ಅವರು ಒಳಗಾಗುವ ಆಘಾತ ಊಹಿಸಲಸಾಧ್ಯ. ಈಗ ಯಾರು ಬೇಕಾದರೂ ಏಕ್‍ದಂ 216 ಎಕರೆ ಭೂಮಿ ಸರಾಗವಾಗಿ ಕೊಂಡುಬಿಡಬಹುದು ಎನ್ನುವ ವಿಚಾರ ರೈತರಲ್ಲಿ ನಿಜಕ್ಕೂ ದಿಗಿಲು ಹುಟ್ಟಿಸುತ್ತಿದೆ.

ಕೃಷಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ಎಲ್ಲವೂ ಸರಿಯಾಗಿದ್ದಿದ್ದರೆ, ಕೃಷಿಯನ್ನು ನೆಚ್ಚಿ ಬದುಕಬಹುದೆನ್ನುವ ಭರವಸೆಯನ್ನು ಮೂಡಿಸಿದ್ದರೆ ಯಾವ ರೈತರೂ ಜಮೀನು ಮಾರಾಟ ಮಾಡುವ ಒತ್ತಡಕ್ಕೆ ಒಳಗಾಗುತ್ತಿರಲಿಲ್ಲ. ಆದರೆ, ಕೃಷಿ ಲಾಭದಾಂiುಕವಲ್ಲ; ಅದರಲ್ಲೂ ಮಳೆಯಾಶ್ರಿತ ಜಮೀನುಗಳು, ಸಣ್ಣ ಹಿಡುವಳಿಗಳು ಆದಾಯ ತರಲಾರವು; ಇಂತಹ ರೈತರು ಕೃಷಿಯನ್ನು ಬಿಡಬೇಕು ಎಂದು ದಶಕಕ್ಕೂ ಹೆಚ್ಚು ಕಾಲದಿಂದ ರೈತರ ಮೇಲೆ ತೀವ್ರ ಒತ್ತಡ ತರಲಾಗುತ್ತಿದೆ. ಸರ್ಕಾರಗಳು, ರಾಜಕಾರಣಿಗಳು, ಅಧ್ಯಯನ ಸಂಸ್ಥೆಗಳು, ವಿದ್ವಾಂಸರು ಎಲ್ಲರೂ ಇದನ್ನೇ ಹೇಳುತ್ತಾ ಬರುತ್ತಿದ್ದಾರೆ. ಇಲ್ಲಿ ರೈತರನ್ನು ರಕ್ಷಿಸಬೇಕಾಗಿದ್ದ ಕೃಷಿ ವಿಶ್ವವಿದ್ಯಾಲಯಗಳು, ಸಂಬಂಧಪಟ್ಟ ಇಲಾಖೆಗಳು ರೈತರಿಂದ ಸಂಪೂರ್ಣ ಬೇರ್ಪಟ್ಟು ತಮ್ಮ ಪಾಡಿಗೆ ಹಾಯಾಗಿವೆ. ಇವರು ರೈತರೊಡನೆ ಸಹಪಾಠಿಗಳಾಗಿ ಬೆರೆತು, ಪರಿಸರದೊಂದಿಗೆ ಕೆಲಸ ಮಾಡಿದ್ದರೆ ಇಂದು ಕೃಷಿ ಲೋಕದ ಸ್ವರೂಪವೇ ಬೇರೆಯಾಗಿರುತ್ತಿತ್ತು. ಆಳುವ ವರ್ಗದ ಎಲ್ಲಾ ಅಂಗಗಳೂ ಸೇರಿಕೊಂಡು ಕೃಷಿ ಕ್ಷೇತ್ರವನ್ನು ಅಧೋಗತಿಗೆ ತಳ್ಳಿ ಈಗ, ‘ನಿಮಗೆ ಕೃಷಿ ಲಾಭದಾಯಕವಲ್ಲ, ನೀವು ಜಮೀನು ಮಾರಿಕೊಳ್ಳಿ, ಅದಕ್ಕಾಗಿ ಹೆಚ್ಚು ದುಡ್ಡು ಕೊಡುವವರನ್ನು ಕರೆತರುತ್ತಿದ್ದೇವೆ’ ಎನ್ನುತ್ತಿದ್ದಾರೆ. ಇದಕ್ಕೂ ಮೊದಲು ‘ಮಾದರಿ ಗುತ್ತಿಗೆ ಕಾಯಿದೆ- 2016ನ್ನು ತಂದು, ‘ರೈತರು ಬೇಸಾಯ ಮಾಡದೆ ಪಾಳು ಬಿಟ್ಟಿರುವ ಭೂಮಿಯನ್ನು ಗುತ್ತಿಗೆ ಕೊಡಿ’ ಎಂದು ಬೆದರಿಸಿದ ಸರ್ಕಾರ, ಈಗ ಅದನ್ನು ಮಾರಾಟ ಮಾಡಿ ಎನ್ನುತ್ತಿದೆ.

ಭೂ ಸುಧಾರಣಾ ಕಾಯಿದೆ ಎನ್ನುವುದು ಕರ್ನಾಟಕಕ್ಕೆ, ಒಂದು ಹೆಮ್ಮೆಯ ಕಿರೀಟವಿದ್ದಂತೆ. ‘ಉಳುವವನೇ ಭೂಮಿ ಒಡೆಯ’, ‘ರೈತರಲ್ಲದವರು ಕೃಷಿ ಭೂಮಿ ಖರೀದಿಸುವ ಹಾಗಿಲ್ಲ’ ಎಂಬೆರಡು ಅಂಶಗಳು ಸಣ್ಣ-ಸಾಮಾನ್ಯ ರೈತರಿಗೆ ಶ್ರೀರಕ್ಷೆಯಿದ್ದಂತೆ. ರೈತರ ಸುದೀರ್ಘ ಹೋರಾಟ, ತ್ಯಾಗಗಳ ಫಲ ಇದು. ಅದನ್ನು ಒಂದೇ ಬೀಸಿಗೆ ನೆಲಸಮಮಾಡಿಬಿಡುವುದೆಂದರೆ!. ಈ ಪ್ರಕ್ರಿಯೆ ಇವತ್ತಿನದಲ್ಲ. ಈ ಹಿಂದೆ ಅಧಿಕಾರದಲ್ಲಿದ್ದ ಎಲ್ಲಾ ರಾಜಕೀಯ ಪಕ್ಷಗಳು ವಿಚಾರದಲ್ಲಿ ಹಸ್ತಕ್ಷೇಪ ಮಾಡಿವೆ. ಮಾನ್ಯ ದೇವೇಗೌಡರು ಮುಖ್ಯಮಂತ್ರಿಗಳಿದ್ದಾಗ, 1995ರಲ್ಲಿ ತಂದ ‘ಹೊಸ ಕೃಷಿ ನೀತಿ’ ಯಲ್ಲಿಯೇ ಕೃಷಿಕರಲ್ಲದವರಿಗೆ ಕೃಷಿ ಭೂಮಿ ಕೊಳ್ಳಲು ಅವಕಾಶ ಮಾಡಿಕೊಡಲಾಗಿತ್ತು. ಆದರೆ ಅದನ್ನು ಪುಷ್ಪ ಕೃಷಿ, ಅಕ್ವಾಕಲ್ಚರ್ (ಜಲಚರ ಸಾಕಣೆ)ಗಳಿಗೆ ಮಿತಿಗೊಳಿಸಲಾಗಿತ್ತು. ಆಗ ಬೆಂಗಳೂರಿನ ಆಸುಪಾಸಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಹೂಬೇಸಾಯದ ಹೆಸರಲ್ಲಿ ಕೃಷಿ ಭೂಮಿಗಳು ಬಿಕರಿಯಾದ ರೀತಿ ದಿಗಿಲು ಹುಟ್ಟಿಸುವಂತಿತ್ತು. ಆಗ ಬಂಡವಾಳಿಗರು ಕೊಂಡ ಜಮೀನುಗಳು ಈಗ ಲೇ-ಔಟ್‍ಗಳಾಗಿ ಬೆಂಗಳೂರಿನ ‘ಹಿರಿಮೆ’ಯ ಗರಿಗಳಾಗಿವೆ. ಕೃಷಿ ಭೂಮಿ ಕೊಳ್ಳಲು ಇದ್ದ ಆದಾಯ ಮಿತಿಯನ್ನು ಎರಡು ಲಕ್ಷಕ್ಕೆ ಗೊತ್ತುಪಡಿಸಿದ್ದೂ ಆಗಲೇ.

ಮುಂದೆ 2014ರಲ್ಲಿ ಮಾನ್ಯ ಸಿದ್ಧರಾಮಯ್ಯನವರ ಸರ್ಕಾರ, ಕೃಷಿ ಭೂಮಿ ಕೊಳ್ಳಲು ಇದ್ದ ಆದಾಯ ಮಿತಿಯನ್ನು ಎರಡು ಲಕ್ಷದಿಂದ ಇಪ್ಪತ್ತೈದು ಲಕ್ಷಕ್ಕೆ ಏರಿಸಿತು. ಅದರ ಒಂದು ಫಲಶ್ರುತಿಯೆಂದರೆ, ಸೋಲಾರ್ ಫಲಕಗಳನ್ನು ಹಾಕುವ ನೆಪದಲ್ಲಿ ರೈತರ ಜಮೀನನ್ನು ವ್ಯಾಪಕವಾಗಿ ಕಬಳಿಸುವ ಪ್ರಕ್ರಿಯೆ ಪ್ರಾರಂಭವಾದದ್ದು. ಇಪ್ಪತ್ತೈದು ವರ್ಷಗಳಷ್ಟು ದೀರ್ಘ ಕಾಲಿಕ ಗುತ್ತಿಗೆಗೆ ರೈತರ ಜಮೀನುಗಳನ್ನು ಪಡೆಯಲು ಬಂಡವಾಳಿಗರಿಗೆ ಅನುವು ಮಾಡಿಕೊಡಲಾಯಿತು. ರೈತರ ಮೇಲೆ ಇನ್ನಿಲ್ಲದ ಒತ್ತಡ ತಂದು ಇವರು ವಶಪಡಿಸಿಕೊಂಡಿರುವ ಈ ಜಮೀನುಗಳು ಇನ್ಯಾವತ್ತೂ ರೈತರ ಕೈಸೇರುವ ಪ್ರಶ್ನೆಯೇ ಇಲ್ಲ.

ಇದೀಗ ಕೋವಿಡ್ ಲಾಕ್ಡೌನ್‍ನಿಂದ ತತ್ತರಿಸಿಹೋಗಿ ಇನ್ನೂ ಬಿತ್ತನೆ ಮಳೆಗಳಿಗೆ ಕಾಯುತ್ತಾ ಸೋತ ಸ್ಥಿತಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ರೈತರಿರುವಾಗ ಅವರಿಗೆ ಸಾ ್ವಂತನ ತರುವ ಯಾವುದೇ ಕಾರ್ಯಗಳಿಗೆ ಮುಂದಾಗದೆ ಭೂಮಿ ಮಾರಾಟ ಮಾಡುವ ಈ ಆಮಿಷ! ‘ಕೃಷಿ ಮಾಡಲಾರದ ಅತಂತ್ರ ಸ್ಥಿತಿಯಲ್ಲಿರುವ ರೈತರು, ಕೃಷಿಯನ್ನು ಲಾಭದಾಯಕವಾಗಿ ಮಾಡುವ ಆಕಾಂಕ್ಷೆ ಹೊಂದಿgುವ ಆಸಕ್ತರಿಗೆ ಮಾರಾಟ ಮಾಡುವುದಕ್ಕೆ ಇದು ಅವಕಾಶ. ಕೃಷಿ ಭೂಮಿ ಹಸಿರು ವಲಯದಲ್ಲಿ ಬರುವುದರಿಂದ ಬೇರೆ ಉದ್ಯಮಗಳಿಗೆ ಅದನ್ನು ಬಳಸುವ ಪ್ರಶ್ನೆಯೇ ಇಲ್ಲ, ಕೃಷಿ ಚಟುವಟಿಕೆ ಬಿಟ್ಟರೆ ಬೇರೆ ಏನೂ ಮಾಡಲು ಸಾದ್ಯವಿಲ್ಲ’ ಎಂದು ಕಂದಾಯ ಸಚಿವ ಆರ್. ಅಶೋಕ್ ಅವರು ಸಾರ್ವಜನಿಕವಾಗಿ ಹೇಳಿಕೆ ಕೊಟ್ಟಿದ್ದಾರೆ. ತಮಾಷೆಯೆಂದರೆ, ಕರ್ನಾಟಕ ಸಣ್ಣ ಕೈಗಾರಿಕೆಗಳ ಸಂಘ(ಕಾಸಿಯಾ)ದ ಅಧ್ಯಕ್ಷರು, ‘ನಾವು ಭೂಮಿ ಖರೀದಿಸಲು ಕೆಎಸ್‍ಐಡಿಸಿ, ಕೆಐಎಡಿಬಿಎಗಳಿಗೆ ಅಲದಾಡಬೇಕಾಗುತ್ತಿತ್ತು. ನಾವೇ ಖರೀದಿಸಿ ನಮ್ಮ ಸದಸ್ಯರಿಗೆ ಹಂಚುವುದರಿಂದ ಸಮಯ, ಶ್ರಮ ಉಳಿಯುತ್ತದೆ. ಈ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ನಾವು ಪ್ರಸ್ತಾಪ ಸಲ್ಲಿಸಿದ್ದೆವು. ಸರ್ಕಾರ ಅದಕ್ಕೆ ಸ್ಪಂದಿಸಿದೆ. ಇದರಿಂದ ಕೈಗಾರಿಕೆಗಳ ಬೆಳವಣಿಗೆಗೆ ಅನುಕೂಲವಾಗುತ್ತದೆ’. ಎಂದು ಸಾರ್ವಜನಿಕವಾಗಿ ಹೇಳಿಕೊಂಡಿದ್ದಾರೆ. ಈ ಮಟ್ಟಕ್ಕೆ ಸರ್ಕಾರ ತನ್ನ ಜನತೆಯ ಕಣ್ಣಿಗೆ ಮಣ್ಣೆರೆಚುವುದೆಂದರೆ!

‘ನಿರುದ್ಯೋಗಿ ಕೃಷಿ ಪದವೀಧರರು ಹಳ್ಳಿಗಳಿಗೆ ಹಿಂದಿರುಗಿ ಕೃಷಿ ಆಧಾರಿತ ಉದ್ದಿಮೆ ಸ್ಥಾಪಿಸಲು ಇದು ಅವಕಾಶ ಒದಗಿಸುತ್ತದೆ’ ಎನ್ನುವುದು ಕಂದಾಯ ಸಚಿವರ ಇನ್ನೊಂದು ಕಣ್ಕಟ್ಟಿನ ಹೇಳಿಕೆ. ಉದ್ದಿಮೆಗಳನ್ನು ಸ್ಥಾಪಿಸಲು ಬೇಕಾದ ಭೂಮಿಗಾಗಿಯೇ ಕೆಐಎಡಿಬಿ(ಕರ್ನಾಟಕ ಕೈಗಾರಿಕಾ ಪ್ರದೇಶಗಳ ಅಭಿವೃದ್ಧಿ ಮಂಡಳಿ) ಇದೆಯಲ್ಲ. ಇದುವರೆಗೆ ಕೆಐಎಡಿಬಿ ಸ್ವಾಧೀನಪಡಿಸಿಕೊಂಡಿರುವ ಜಮೀನಿನ ಬಹುಭಾಗ ಬಳಕೆಯಾಗದೆ ಉಳಿದಿರುವ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಎಲ್ಲಾ ಸರ್ಕಾರಗಳೂ ಆಗಾಗ್ಗೆ ಹೇಳಿಕೊಂಡೇ ಬಂದಿವೆ. ಆದರೆ ಈ ಭೂಮಿಯನ್ನು ಬಳಸಬೇಕೆಂದರೆ ಅದಕ್ಕೆ ‘ಭೂಸ್ವಾಧೀನ, ಪುನರ್ವಸತಿ ಮತ್ತು ಪುನರ್ನೆಲೆ ಕಾಯಿದೆ-2013ರ’ ಕಟ್ಟುನಿಟ್ಟಿನ ಕಟ್ಟಳೆಗಳಿಗೆ ಒಳಗಾಗಬೇಕು. ಕೈಗಾರಿಕೆಯ ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ ಮತ್ತು ಪಾರಿಸಾರಿಕ ದುಷ್ಪರಿಣಾಮದ ಅಂದಾಜು ಮಾಡಬೇಕು. ಇದರ ಬದಲು ನೇರವಾಗಿ ಭೂಮಿ ಕೊಂಡುಬಿಟ್ಟರೆ ಯಾರ ಮರ್ಜಿಯೂ ಇರುವುದಿಲ್ಲ ಎನ್ನುವುದು ಇಲ್ಲಿನ ಹುನ್ನಾರ. ಅಷ್ಟಾಕ್ಕೂ ಕೃಷಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ಅತೀವ ಆಸಕ್ತಿ ಇರುವವರಿಗೆ, ಈಗಾಗಲೇ ರೈತರು ಪಾಳು ಬಿಟ್ಟಿದ್ದಾರೆ ಎನ್ನಲಾದ 22 ಲಕ್ಷ ಹೆಕ್ಟೇರ್ ಬೇಸಾಯ ಭೂಮಿಯನ್ನು ದೀರ್ಘ ಕಾಲಿಕ ಗುತ್ತಿಗೆಗೆ ಕೊಡುವ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಯೋಚಿಸಬಹುದಲ್ಲ.


ಇಲ್ಲಿ ಇನ್ನೂ ಒಂದು ಮುಖ್ಯ ವಿಚಾರವಿದೆ. ಭೂಸುಧಾರಣಾ ಕಾಯಿದೆಯಡಿ ರೈತರಲ್ಲದವರು ಭೂಮಿ ಖರೀದಿಸಲು ಅವಕಾಶವಿಲ್ಲದೆ ಹೋಗಿದ್ದರೂ, ಐವತ್ತು ಲಕ್ಷ ಎಕರೆ ಭೂಮಿ ರೈತರ ಕೈತಪ್ಪಿ ಕೃಷಿಯೇತರ ಉದ್ದೇಶಕ್ಕೆ ಪರಿವರ್ತನೆಯಾಗಿದೆ. ಜಮೀನು ಖರೀದಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ಭೂ ಸುಧಾರಣಾ ಕಾಯ್ದೆ 79ಎ ಮತ್ತು 79 ಬಿ ಕಲಂನ ನಿಯಮಾವಳಿ ಉಲ್ಲಂಘನೆಗೆ ಸಂಬಂಧಿಸಿದಂತೆ ಕಂದಾಯ ಇಲಾಖೆ ಸುಮಾರು 83,171 ಪ್ರಕರಣಗಳನ್ನು ದಾಖಲಿಸಿತ್ತು. ಅದರಲ್ಲಿ ಇತ್ಯರ್ಥ ಆಗದಿರುವ 12,231 ಪ್ರಕರಣಗಳಿವೆ. ಬೆಂಗಳೂರಿನ ಸುತ್ತಮುತ್ತಲೇ ‘ಕರ್ನಾಟಕ ರಾಜ್ಯ ವಸತಿ ಮಹಾಮಂಡಲಿ’ ಸೇರಿದಂತೆ ವಿವಿಧ ನೌಕರರ ಗೃಹ ನಿರ್ಮಾಣ ಸಹಕಾರ ಸಂಘಗಳು ಭೂ ಸುಧಾರಣಾ ಕಾಯ್ದೆಯ 79ಎ ಮತ್ತು 79 ಬಿ ಕಲಂ ಉಲ್ಲಂಘಿಸಿ ಸುಮಾರು ಹತ್ತು ಸಾವಿರ ಕೋಟಿ ರೂ ಬೆಲೆಯ 5,027 ಎಕರೆ ಕೃಷಿ ಭೂಮಿಯನ್ನು ಮಧ್ಯವರ್ತಿಗಳ ಮೂಲಕ ಎಕರೆಗೆ ಒಂದೂವರೆ-ಎರಡು ಕೋಟಿ ಕೊಟ್ಟು ಖರೀದಿಸಿರುವುದು ಬಹಿರಂಗವಾಗಿದೆ. ಪ್ರತಿ ಹಂತದಲ್ಲೂ ಇವು ಸರ್ಕಾರವನ್ನು ವಂಚಿಸಿವೆ. ಇದಕ್ಕೆ ಹಿಂದಿನ ಯಾವ ಸರ್ಕಾರಗಳು ಕ್ರಮ ಕೈಗೊಂಡಿಲ್ಲ. ಇಂತಹ 17,574 ಪ್ರಕರಣಗಳು ದಾಖಲಾಗಿದ್ದರೆ, 5,490 ಪ್ರಕರಣಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಕಾಯಿದೆ ಉಲ್ಲಂಘನೆ ಆಗಿರುವುದು ದೃಢಪಟ್ಟಿದೆ. ಈ ಎಲ್ಲಾ ಇತ್ಯರ್ಥವಾಗದ ಪ್ರಕರಣಗಳನ್ನೆಲ್ಲಾ ನ್ಯಾಯ ಸಮ್ಮತಗೊಳಿಸಿಬಿಡುವ ದುರುದ್ದೇಶ ಈ ತಿದ್ದುಪಡಿಗಳ ಹಿಂದೆ ಬಲವಾಗಿ ಕೆಲಸ ಮಾಡಿದೆ.


ರೈತರಿಗೆ ಭೂಮಿ ಎನ್ನುವುದು ಆಸ್ತಿಗಿಂತ ಹೆಚ್ಚಾಗಿ ಸುರಕ್ಷತಾ ಭಾವ ತಂದುಕೊಡುತ್ತದೆ. ಜೀವಮಾನವಿಡೀ ದುಡಿದು ನಾಲ್ಕಾರು ಎಕರೆ ಜಮೀನು ಕೊಂಡುಬಿಟ್ಟಾಗ ರೈತರಿಗಾಗುವ ಸಂತೋಷ, ಸಂಭ್ರಮ, ಸುರಕ್ಷತಾ ಭಾವ ವರ್ಣಿಸಲಸಾಧ್ಯ. ಅಂಥದ್ದರಲ್ಲಿ ಏಕಾಏಕಿ ಬಂಡವಾಳಿಗನೊಬ್ಬ ಕಣ್ಣೆದುರೇ ನೂರಾರು ಎಕರೆ ಜಮೀನನ್ನು ಆಕ್ರಮಿಸುತ್ತಾರೆಂದರೆ ಹೇಗಾಗಬೇಡ! ಹಾಗಾಗಕೂಡದು ಎಂದರೆ, ಪ್ರತಿಯೊಂದು ಗ್ರಾಮದ ರೈತರೂ, ಈ ಊರಿನ ಜಮೀನು ನಮ್ಮ ರೈತರಿಗೆ ಸೇರಿದ್ದು, ಅದನ್ನು ಬಂಡವಾಳಿಗರಿಗೆ ಕೊಳ್ಳಲು ಅವಕಾಶ ಕೊಡುವುದಿಲ್ಲ ಎಂದು ಘೋಷಿಸಬೇಕು. ಪ್ರತಿ ಗ್ರಾಮದ ಪ್ರವೇಶದಲ್ಲೇ, ‘ರೈತರ ಭೂಮಿ ಕಬಳಿಸುವವರಿಗೆ ಪ್ರವೇಶವಿಲ್ಲ’ ಎಂದು ಫಲಕ ಹಾಕಿ, ಕಣ್ಗಾವಲಾಗಿದ್ದು, ಅತಿಕ್ರಮಣಕಾರರಿಗೆ ಬಹಿಷ್ಕಾರ ಹಾಕಬೇಕು. ಭೂ ಕಬಳಿಕೆಯ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ಗ್ರಾಮಸ್ಥರ ಕಾರ್ಯಪಡೆ ಸಿದ್ಧವಾಗಬೇಕು. ಅದಕ್ಕಾಗಿ ನಾವು ನೀವೆಲ್ಲಾ ಸನ್ನದ್ಧರಾಗೋಣ.

  • ವಿ. ಗಾಯತ್ರಿ, ಸಂಪಾದಕಿ, ‘ಸಹಜ ಸಾಗುವಳಿ’ ದ್ವೈಮಾಸಿಕ ಪತ್ರಿಕೆ

WANTED: NEW EQUATIONS FOR LAND-USE AND ITS ACCESS

A.R.Vasavi

The recent proposal to amend Karnataka’s land reform Act and the debates around it require us to assess the previous Act and what the implications are of the proposed one. Promulgated at a time of significant attempts to address the widespread distress in the countryside, the Karnataka Land Reforms Act of 1961, and subsequent amendments especially in 1974, sought to protect the land of small and marginal farmers and the agricultural economy as a whole by preventing predatory capital, especially industrial, urban capital, from expropriating land and also pauperising the peasantry.  The results have been mixed; while the structure of agricultural land holding has not been significantly dented, widespread dispossession of land and displacement of small and marginal landholders have not taken place. But there have been several other negative fallouts and distortions that the Act and the subsequent amendments have created. Primary among these is the fact that the ineligibility of all non-agriculturists to purchase agricultural land has created not only a bureaucratic trap but has enhanced the range of corruption related to land dealings. The state, and in reality the different political players, have used this blockage to create new rules and processes that bypass such regulation. The processes under which land is acquired and then allocated to industries, institutes, and persons etc have all become sources and strategies to strengthen crony capitalism and corrupt the government and elected representatives.  As a result, the state has lost revenue and the real beneficiaries have been big political players, crony capitalists, real estate magnates, a land mafia, and fly by night entrepreneurs. Genuine buyers, especially those from urban and non-agricultural backgrounds, have had to go through a bureaucratic maze and unsavoury middle men to access land or in many cases have had to put to rest their dreams of being in agriculture or accessing land for other productive purposes.  Worse yet, the farming community itself has suffered from the poor implementation, legal distortions, and bureaucratic burdens of the Act.  Genuine farmers have not been able to expand their holdings to an optimum size, small holders have not been sell land to ‘out-siders’, and a mangled land market has resulted in benefiting middle persons and agents.  Take for instance the way in which small holders, who are unable to cultivate their own land due to financial and or personal constraints, have been forced to enter into ‘lease farming’. As lease holders they have submitted their land to larger farmers or entrepreneurial cultivators who then use their land for limited periods while undertaking extractive agriculture on these plots. The result has been that this is a reversed tenancy with capitalists as tenants and the owners rendered into becoming coolies on their own land.  The ecological devastation on these lands, seen primarily in the leased plots in which turmeric, ginger, bananas and a range of vegetables are grow is only one glaring example. Issues and trends such as these are not addressed and instead the focus seems to be on only facilitating a land market primarily for big capitalists and questionable entrepreneurs.

That the Act has created more tensions than protected the interests of agriculturists is visible in the fact that a large volume of legal cases are now pending in the courts and many citizens have become victims of the endless legal quagmire. Hence, there is a need to revisit this Act and to consider ways in which the interests of the most marginalised sections of agricultural society, the need to support the rural economy, and assure food security, and the need for justifiable and economically viable land access to non-rural citizens can be undertaken.

There is need for us to recognise that the agricultural economy itself has been in retrogression since several years and the impacts of climate change, marked by widespread droughts and periodic floods, have devastated vast stretches of the state’s hinterland. Added to this must be concerns related to what the C-19 pandemic, and the economic and social fallout of the lockdown flag as urgent issues. For one, the outbreak of the pandemic and the past recurring epidemics indicate that human despoliation of natural resources and big factory food production are the reasons for the start and spread of such viruses.  As research has consistently indicated, small-scale and diversity-based production systems mean that small farmers are the real stewards of biodiversity and of food production.  Given these facts, it is important that legislative measures seek to promote policies and programmes that address these issues and not promote the use of land as primarily a commodity for big, industrialised, capitalist production.

The recently proposed amendment to Karnataka’s land reform Act that seeks to make land available to all, in terms of facilitating new economies and opportunities, is myopic and misleading. It overlooks the extent to which land markets are susceptible to speculation and the extent to which big capital can override the long-term interests of small-holders.  Instead of this free-for-all policy which will only result in further pauperisation of rural small-holders, it is important that the government formulate policies that are based on parameters and norms that discourage a speculative land economy but which can offer the possibility of land ownership to genuine persons (from any sector or background) who meet economic, ecological and social criteria.  Missing in the proposed amendment are any mention of such criteria and instead simplistic and blanket assertions of catching up with new types of production, catering to the needs of the IT and BT sector persons, etc have been made.  

The amendment itself needs to prioritise the types of new rural-urban and agro-home/cottage/co-operative production systems that need to come into being and which challenge the existing sharp divides between them.  Despite the potential that co-operatives and farmer producer organisations have in addressing the problems faced by the majority of small and marginal farmers, new land policies seek to only promote the interests of big capital. In addition, no mention is made about protecting forests and biodiversity rich zones, promoting agriculture that is based on agro-climatic zones and which can be both climate resilient and market sensible, or enabling new production units that respect labour.

In this context of seeking alternative and integrated policies and programmes, we must realise that our current political dispensation is incapable of representing the interests of people. For long now politicians have built their own political and capital empires by twisting the limitations of agricultural and land policies to their interests. Most farmer organisations have also been myopic and they have not gone beyond making demands for moratorium on loans, free electricity, and subsidies for agricultural inputs. Hence it is time for people; for farmers, civil society members, and active citizens to come together to forge an alternative perspective that can facilitate appropriate policy and programmes to support the long-term interests of a majority of people. At this historical moment when the impact of C-19 requires us to rethink all dominant forms of economic structures, models and ideas, it is important that we seek alternatives which address widespread and intense problems of extreme economic inequalities, ecological risks, and health threats.  It is time for us to recognise and assert that land is not merely a commodity, and that its usage and our relationship to it must assure us all social justice, ecological sustainability and economic stability.

June/18th/2020

A.R.Vasavi is a Social Anthropologist.

ಹಣ ಉಳ್ಳವರಿಗೆ ಭೂಮಿ, ಒಂದು ವಿವೇಚನಾರಹಿತ ತಿದ್ದುಪಡಿ – ಜಯದೇವ.ಜಿ.ಎಸ್

ಹಣಬಲ ಇದ್ದವರೆಲ್ಲ ವ್ಯವಸಾಯದ ಭೂಮಿಕೊಂಡು ಕೊಳ್ಳಬಹುದೆಂಬ ಕಾನೂನು ತಿದ್ದುಪಡಿಒಂದು ವೇಳೆ ಊರ್ಜಿತವಾದರೆ ವಿನಾಶಕಾರಿಯಾದೀತು. ರಾಗಿ-ಜೋಳ ಬೆಳೆಗಳು ಕಡುಲೋಭಿ ವ್ಯಾಪಾರಿಗಳ ದೃಷ್ಟಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ಲಾಭದಾಯಕವಲ್ಲ. ಆದರೆ ಇದು ಕೋಂಟ್ಯಾಂತರ ಜನಗಳ ಪ್ರಮುಖ ಆಹಾರ ಎಂಬುದನ್ನು ಮರೆಯುವಂತಿಲ್ಲ.

ವ್ಯವಸಾಯದ ಒಲವಿಲ್ಲದ, ಹಣವನ್ನು ಮಾತ್ರ ಪ್ರೀತಿಸುವ ಶ್ರೀಮಂತರ ಕೈಗೆ ಬಡವರ ಭೂಮಿ ಸಿಕ್ಕರೆ ಅದರ ಪರಿಣಾಮಗಳೇನು?

ಈ ಕಾನೂನು ತಿದ್ದುಪಡಿ ಸೂಚಿಸುತ್ತಿರುವವರಿಗೆ ಇದರ ದೂರಗಾಮಿ ಪರಿಣಾಮಗಳನ್ನು ಊಹಿಸಲು ಸಾಧ್ಯವಾಗುತ್ತಿದೆಯೆ?

ತತ್ಕಾಲಕ್ಕೆ ಈ ತಿದ್ದುಪಡಿ ಸರ್ಕಾರಕ್ಕೆ ಹಣಒದಗಿಸಬಹುದು. ಆದರೆ ದಶಕಗಳ ತರುವಾಯ ನಮ್ಮ ನಾಡಿನ ವ್ಯವಸಾಯಿಚಿತ್ರಣ ಹೇಗಿರುತ್ತದೆ?

ಕೃಷಿ ಸಂಸ್ಕೃತಿಯನಾಶ, ವೈವಿಧ್ಯಮಯ ಆಹಾರಬೆಳೆಗಳ ನಾಶ ಜೊತೆಗೆ ಈ ಸಸ್ಯಗಳಲ್ಲಿರುವ, ಸಸ್ಯಗಳ ರೋಗನಿರೋಧಕ ಶಕ್ತಿಗೆ ಕಾರಣವಾದ ಜೀನ್‍ಗಳ ನಾಶ. ಅಲ್ಲದೆನಮ್ಮರೈತರ ನಡುವೆ ಇನ್ನೂ ಜೀವಂತವಾಗಿರುವ ಸ್ಥಳೀಯ ತಳಿಗಳು ಹೇಳಹೆಸರಿಲ್ಲದಾಗುವುದು ಖಂಡಿತ. ಏಕರೂಪ ಬೆಳೆಗಳು – ಏಕರೂಪ ಆಹಾರ ಪದ್ಧತಿ–ಏಕರೂಪ ಸಂಸ್ಕೃತಿ ಇದೆಲ್ಲದರ ಒಟ್ಟು ಪರಿಣಾಮ. ಜಾಗತೀಕರಣ ಸಂದರ್ಭದಲ್ಲಿ ಈ ಪ್ರಕ್ರಿಯೆಗಳು ಪ್ರಾರಂಭವಾಗಿವೆ ನಿಜ; ಆದರೆ ಈ ತಿದ್ದಪಡಿ ಪರಿಸ್ಥಿತಿಯನ್ನು ಮತ್ತಷ್ಟು ಉಲ್ಬಣಗೊಳಿಸುತ್ತದೆ. ಲೋಭಿತನದ ಕೃಷಿಯಿಂದಾಗಿ ಪ್ರತಿವರ್ಷ ವ್ಯವಸಾಯಿಕ ಭೂಮಿ ನಿರುಪಯುಕ್ತವಾಗುತ್ತಿರುವುದನ್ನು ವೈಜ್ಞಾನಿಕ ವರದಿಗಳು ತಿಳಿಸುತ್ತಿವೆ.

ಈ ಬಗೆಯ ಪ್ರಗತಿಯಿಂದ ನಾವು ಸಾಧಿಸಿದ್ದಾದರೂ ಏನು?ಆರ್ಥಿಕಧೃವೀಕರಣ, ಹೆಚ್ಚುತ್ತಲೇಹೋಗುವ ಬಡವ-ಬಲ್ಲಿದನ ಅಂತರ,ಅನೀತಿಯುತ ಗಳಿಕೆಯಿಂದ ಹುಟ್ಟಿದ ವಿನಾಶಕಾರಿ ಸಂಪತ್ತು, ಮನಸ್ಸಿನೊಳಗೆ ಮತ್ತು ಹೊರಗೆ ತಾಂಡವವಾಡುವ ಮಾಲಿನ್ಯ, ಇದೆಲ್ಲದರ ಪರಿಣಾಮವಾಗಿ ಹುಟ್ಟುವ ಹಿಂಸಾತ್ಮಕ ಸಮಾಜ.

ಈ ತಿದ್ದುಪಡಿ ತರುತ್ತಿರುವವರಿಗೆ ಗಾಂಧೀಕಳಕಳಿಯ ಸಮಾಜದ ‘ಕಟ್ಟಕಡೆಯಮನುಷ್ಯ’ ಕಾಣುತ್ತಿಲ್ಲವೆ?

ಬಡರೈತರ ಸಮಸ್ಯೆ ಪರಿಹಾರಮಾಡುವ ಬದಲುರೈತರನ್ನೇ ನಾಶಮಾಡುವ ಈ ತಿದ್ದುಪಡಿ ವಿನಾಶಕಾರಿಯಾದದ್ದು.

ದಶಕದಿಂದೀಚೆಗೆ ಆಗುತ್ತಿರುವ ಕಾನೂನು ತಿದ್ದುಪಡಿಗಳಾಗಲಿ, ಪಾಲಿಸಿ ಬದಲಾವಣೆಗಳಾಲಿ ಬಡವರನ್ನು, ದುರ್ಬಲರನ್ನು ಮತ್ತಷ್ಟು ಅಂಚಿಗೆ ತಳ್ಳುತ್ತಿವೆ. ಪ್ರಕೃತಿನಾಶದಗತಿ ತ್ವರಿತವಾಗುತ್ತಿದೆ. ನಾವು ಪ್ರಕೃತಿಮಾತೆಯ ಸ್ಥನದಿಂದ ಹಾಲುಕುಡಿಯಬೇಕೆ ಹೊರತು ರಕ್ತ ಹೀರುವ ರಕ್ತಪಿಪಾಸುಗಳಾಗಬಾರದು.

– ಜಯದೇವ.ಜಿ.ಎಸ್

ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ ಕಾರ್ಯಕರ್ತರು, ಶಿಕ್ಷಣ ತಜ್ಞರು, ಗ್ರಾಮ ಸೇವಾ ಸಂಘದ ಮಾರ್ಗದರ್ಶಕರು

ಕರ್ನಾಟಕ ಭೂಸುಧಾರಣ ಕಾಯೆ’ಗೆ ತರಲು ಹೊರಟಿರುವ ತಿದ್ದುಪಡಿಯನ್ನು ಕೂಡಲೆ ಹಿಂಪಡೆಯಬೇಕು

ಸಿ. ಯತಿರಾಜು
ಅಧ್ಯಕ್ಷರು, ಗ್ರಾಮ ಸೇವಾ ಸಂಘ

ಕೋವಿಡ್ ನೆಪದಲ್ಲಿ ಸರ್ಕಾರಗಳು ರೈತ, ಕಾರ್ಮಿಕ ವಿರೋಧಿ ಕಾನೂನುಗಳ ನೀತಿಗಳ ಸರಮಾಲೆಯನ್ನು ಆತುರಾತುರವಾಗಿ ಜಾರಿಗೊಳಿಸಿ, ಅಸಂಪ್ರಾದಾಯಿಕ ದುಡಿಮೆಗಾರರನ್ನು ಹೀನಾಯವಾಗಿ ಕಾಣುತ್ತ, ಅವರ ಮೇಲೆ ಸಂಕಷ್ಟಗಳ ಸುರಿಮಳೆ ಸುರಿಸಿದೆ. ಅಯೋಜಿತ ಲಾಕಡೌನ್, ಸೀಲ್‍ಡೌನ್, ಕ್ವಾರಂಟೈನ್, ಮೂಲಕ ಅವರನ್ನು ಸೋಂಕಿಗೆ ದೂಡಿ ಕೋವಿಡ್‍ಗೆ ಬಲಿಕೊಡುತ್ತಿದೆ.


        ತೀರಾ ಇತ್ತೀಚೆಗೆ ಕೃಷಿ ಪ್ಯಾಕೇಜ್ ಹೆಸರಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಕೈಗಾರಿಕ ಕಾರ್ಪೋರೇಟ್‍ಕೃಷಿಯನ್ನು ಪ್ರೋತ್ಸಾಹಿಸಲು, ಎ.ಪಿ.ಎಂ.ಸಿ. ಕಾಯ್ದೆ, ಇ.ಸಿ. ಕಾಯ್ದೆಗೆ, ವಿದ್ಯುತ್ ಶಕ್ತಿ ಕಾಯ್ದೆಗಳಿಗೆ ತಿದ್ದುಪಡಿಗಳನ್ನು ತಂದು, ರಾಕ್ಷಸ ಕೃಷಿಆರ್ಥಿಕತೆಯನ್ನು ಭರದಿಂದ ಜಾರಿಗೊಳಿಸುತ್ತಿದೆ. ಗುತ್ತಿಗೆಕೃಷಿ, ಭೂಗುತ್ತಿಗೆಕಾಯ್ದೆಗಳನ್ನು ಜಾರಿಗೋಳಿಸುತ್ತಿದೆ. ಇದೇ ದಾರಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ಸಾಗುತ್ತಿರುವ ಕರ್ನಾಟಕ ಸರ್ಕಾರ ‘ಕರ್ನಾಟಕ ಭೂಸುಧಾರಣ ಕಾ ಕಾಯ್ದೆ” 1961ರ ಕಾಯ್ದೆಗೆ ತಿದ್ದುಪಡಿಗಳನ್ನು ತಂದು, ಅದರ ಪ್ರಗತಿಪರ, ರೈತಪರ ಆಶಯಗಳಿಗೆ ಎಳ್ಳು ನೀರು ಬಿಡುತ್ತಿದೆ. ಸೆಕ್ಷೆನ್ 79 (a), (b), (c) ಮತ್ತು 80ನ್ನು ರದ್ದು ಮಾಡಿ ಕೃಷಿಕರಲ್ಲದವರ ಕೃಷಿಭೂಮಿಯನ್ನು ಕಬಳಿಸಿಕೊಳ್ಳಲು ಸಹಕರಿಸಿ, ಕೃಷಿಕರ ಕೈಯಿಂದ ಕೃಷಿಭೂಮಿ ಕೈಜಾರಿ ಹೋಗುವಂತೆ ಮಾಡಲಾಗುತ್ತಿದೆ. ಸೆಕ್ಷೆನ್ 63ರನ್ನು ತಿದ್ದುಪಡಿ ಮಾಡಿ, 5 ಜನರೊಳಗಿನ ಕೃಷಿ ಕುಟುಂಬಗಳು 108 ಎಕರೆಗಳವರೆಗೆ ಭೂಮಿ ಹೊಂದಲು ಮತ್ತು 5ಕ್ಕಿಂತಲೂ ಹೆಚ್ಚು ಜನರಿರುವ ಕುಟುಂಬಗಳು 216 ಎಕರೆಗಳವರೆಗೂ ಭೂಮಿ ಹೊಂದಲು ಅವಕಾಶ ಕಲ್ಪಿಸಿ, ಹೆಚ್ಚುವರಿ ಭೂಮಿಯನ್ನು ವಶಪಡಿಸಿಕೊಂಡು ಭೂಹೀನರಿಗೆ ಹಂಚುವ, ‘ಉಳುವವನಿಗೆ ಭೂಮಿ’ ಎಂಬ ಸ್ವಾತಂತ್ರ್ಯ ಸಂಗ್ರಾಮದ, ರೈತ ಆಶಯಕ್ಕೆ ವಿರುದ್ದ ದಿಕ್ಕಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಸಾಗಿ, ‘ಉಳ್ಳವರಿಗೆ ಮಾತ್ರ ಭೂಮಿ’ ಎಂಬಂತಾಗಿದೆ. 

C Yatiraju, Environmental Activist & President of Gram Seva Sangh on Proposed Amendment to Land Reform Act by Karnataka Govt.


        ಜಮೀನ್ದಾರಿ ಪದ್ದತಿಯನ್ನು ಸಡಿಲಗೊಳಿಸಿ, ಭೂಹೀನರಿಗೆ ಭೂಮಿ, ಚೋಮನ ಕನಸಾಗಲಿದೆ. ನವಕಾರ್ಪೋರೇಟ್‍ಗಳ ಹೂಡಿಕೆದಾರರ ಜಮೀನ್ದಾರಿ ಪದ್ದತಿಯನ್ನು ಜಾರಿಗೊಳಿಸಿ, ದೇವರಾಜ್ ಅರಸ್‍ರ 1974ರ ಭೂಸುಧಾರಣಾ ಆಶಯಗಳನ್ನು ಸಂಪೂರ್ಣವಾಗಿ ಕೈಬಿಟ್ಟಿದೆ. ನವಕಾರ್ಪೋರೇಟ್ ಭೂ ಜಮೀನ್ದಾರಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ರಾಕ್ಷಸಿ ಕೈಗಾರಿಕಾಕೃಷಿ ಜಾರಿಯಾಗಿ, ಭೂಮಿಬರಡಾಗಿ, ಮರುಭೂಮೀಕರಣಗೊಳ್ಳುತ್ತಾ ಸಾಗಲಿದೆ. ದಿನೇ ದಿನೇ ಉಲ್ಬಣಿಸುತ್ತಿರುವ ಜಲಬಿಕ್ಕಟ್ಟು ಮತ್ತಷ್ಟು ತೀವ್ರಗೊಂಡು, ಅಂತರ್ಜಲ ಪಾತಾಳ ಸೇರಲಿದೆ. ಕೃಷಿ ಜೀವವೈವಿಧ್ಯತೆ ಸಂಪೂರ್ಣ ಹಾಳಾಗಿ ಏಕಬೆಳೆಗಳ ಸಾಮ್ರಾಜ್ಯದಲ್ಲಿ, ನಮ್ಮ ವೈವಿಧ್ಯಮಯ ಆಹಾರ ಪದ್ದತಿಗಳು, ಪಂಚತಾರ ಹೋಟೆಲ್‍ಗಳ ಶ್ರೀಮಂತರ ಸ್ವತ್ತಾಗುತ್ತವೆ. ನೈಸರ್ಗಿಕ ಕೃಷಿ ಮೂಲ ಸೌಕರ್ಯಗಳು ಮುರಿದು ಬಿದ್ದು, ಆಹಾರ ಭಧ್ರತೆ, ಫೊಶಕಾಂಶ ಭಧ್ರತೆಗಳು ಸಂಪೂರ್ಣವಾಗಿ ಹಾಳಾಗುತ್ತವೆ. ವಿಷಮಯ ಮಣ್ಣು, ಕಲುಷಿತ ನೀರು, ಹಾಳಾದ ಕೃಷಿವೈವಿದ್ಯತೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ರೋಗ ಮತ್ತು ಕೀಟ ಹಾವಳಿ ನಿವಾರಣೆಗಾಗಿ ಬಳಸಿದೆ ವಿಷರಾಸಾಯನಿಕಗಳು, ಜನರ ಆರೋಗ್ಯ ಹಾಳುಮಾಡಿ ಪ್ರಾಣಿಜನ್ಯ ವೈರಾಣು ರೋಗಗಳಿಗೆ, ಇಡೀ ಮನುಕುಲವನ್ನು ಬಲಿಕೊಡಲಾಗುತ್ತ ದೆ .

        ಕಾರ್ಪೋರೇಟ್ ಪಾಳೇಗಾರಿಕೆಯ ಕೃಷಿ ವಿನಾಶಕ. ಈ ತಿದ್ದುಪಡಿಗಳನ್ನು ಸರ್ಕಾರ ಕೂಡಲೇ ಹಿಂಪಡೆಯಬೇಕು. ಭೂಹೀನರಿಗೆ, ವಸತಿಹೀನರಿಗೆ ಭೂಮಿ ಹಂಚಿ, ವಲಸೆ ತಪ್ಪಿಸಿ, ಜನಪರ, ಜೀವಪರ, ಪರಿಸರಸ್ನೇಹಿ ಪವಿತ್ರ ಆರ್ಥಿಕತೆಗೆ ಮುಂದಾಗಿ, ಗ್ರಾಮಸ್ವರಾಜ್ಯದ ಹೊಸ ಯುಗಾರಂಭ ಮಾಡಬೇಕೆಂದು ಗ್ರಾಮ ಸೇವಾ ಸಂಘ ಈ ಮೂಲಕ ಕರೆ ನೀಡುತ್ತದೆ.


– ಸಿ. ಯತಿರಾಜು
ಅಧ್ಯಕ್ಷರು, ಗ್ರಾಮ ಸೇವಾ ಸಂಘ

ಗ್ರಾಮ ಸೇವಾ ಸಂಘ  Flat #102, Shesha Nivas, 1st Block, 1st Main,
Thyagarajanagar, Bengaluru-560028Email ID: gramsevasanghindia@gmail.comFacebook.com/graamasevasangha | @gramasevasanghaMobile: 9980043911 |  www.gramsevasangh.org

Demand for Immediate Withdrawal of the Amendment Bill of Land Reform Act 1961

C. Yathiraju
President, Gram Seva Sangh

The present governments, both state and central on the pretext of Covid epidemic, have hurriedly begun promulgation of anti-farmer and anti-worker policies and laws bringing untold misery to the poor and disadvantaged people of the country. In the name of planned lockdowns, sealdowns, quarantine measures these unfortunate people are exposed to the deadly Covid epidemic. The recently announced ‘revival of agriculture’ package has fully supported industrial corporatization of agriculture through amendments of APMC Act and Electricity Act to a rigorous implementation of the monster economy. The latest in this onslaught is the Amendment of Land Reform Act 1961 by the Government of Karnataka which has totally let down the progressive and pro-farmer aspirations by mercilessly deleting Section 79 (a), 79 (b), 79 (c) and Section 80.
This has sadly paved the way for snatching away of agricultural lands from farmers by non-agricultural entities including rich businesses and corporate bodies, among others. Section 63, which protects farmer families with less than 5 persons to own up to 108 acres of land and up to 216 acres for households with more than 5 members under the social justice of Land to the Tiller, is being mutilated to the most unjust ‘Land to only the haves’ paradigm of neo-zamindari system thereby destroying the livelihoods of millions of poor farmers.


Introducing this draconian law has again obliterated the dreams and aspirations brought out by 1974 Land Reform goals conceived by Devaraj Urs. Under the new corporate-driven neo-zamindari system a monstrous industrial farm policy with mono-cropping regime, wanton use of chemical inputs such as fertilizers and pesticides will, without a doubt, lead to rapid degradation of land and its support resources including ground water and environment leading to imminent desertification.

C Yatiraju, Environmental Activist & President of Gram Seva Sangh on Proposed Amendment to Land Reform Act by Karnataka Govt.

Our rich and diverse food systems will be usurped by those promoting and investing in ‘five-star’ business culture leading to destruction of natural farming traditions which have always provided food and nutritional security for the masses for ages. More importantly, the government’s new amendments will deleteriously affect the health of people by way of poisoned soil system, degraded farm diversity giving raise to pestilence, new zoonotic viruses, among others. Gram Seva Sangh vehemently opposes these amendments and strongly urges to withdraw them without delay. Gram Seva Sangh strives and hereby gives a fervent call towards a fair and just distribution of land to landless and shelter for the homeless, and work towards a pro-people, pro-life and environment-friendly sacred economy and usher in a new era of Grama Swaraj.

  • C. Yathiraju
    President, Gram Seva Sangh
ಗ್ರಾಮ ಸೇವಾ ಸಂಘ  
Flat #102, Shesha Nivas, 1st Block, 1st Main,
Thyagarajanagar, Bengaluru-560028
Email ID: gramsevasanghindia@gmail.com
Facebook.com/graamasevasangha | @gramasevasangha
Mobile: 9980043911 |  www.gramsevasangh.org

#RemeberTheConstitution Our Students are in Jail, Our Labourers are on roads!

#RemeberTheConstitution #YaadKaroSamvidhan We have to build a nation, where not only people who say YES has to live, but also people who say NO has to get a chance to live, together as brothers. Our #Constitution says this, our country says this. I request to release all the political prisoners. – Prasanna, Theatre Person, Activist, Mentor-Gram Seva Sangh

#RememberTheConstitution I read preamble of our #Constitution to reiterate the ideas Govt should follow with great empathy towards #workingclass#farmers#migrantlabourers & to have #SocialSecurity measures that encompasses all #citizens!

#CYatiraju, President, @gramasevasangha

Even as millions of Indians struggle to survive today, many are also being falsely charged and imprisoned. That is why I am reading the preamble. To remind the governments, police, courts and citizens – The Indian Constitution grants all citizens the right to life, liberty of thought and the right to assemble and protest peacefully. I condemn the arrest of students and all others involved in peaceful protests against the Citizenship (Amendment) Act.*
#CAA #NRC #NPR

So, Lets read Preamble to Constitution of INDIA, to remember the constitution spirit:
WE, THE PEOPLE OF INDIA, having solemnly resolved to constitute India into a SOVEREIGN SOCIALIST SECULAR DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC and to secure to all its citizens:

JUSTICE, social, economic and political; LIBERTY of thought, expression, belief, faith and worship;

EQUALITY of status and of opportunity;

and to promote among them all FRATERNITY assuring the dignity of the individual and the unity and integrity of the Nation;

IN OUR CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY this twenty-sixth day of November, 1949, do HEREBY ADOPT, ENACT AND GIVE TO OURSELVES THIS CONSTITUTION

Prasanna on unorganized labour

3, Jun’20 in National Webinar in memory of George Fernandes

Organized by George Fernandes Foundation & Institute of Social Science

I would like to point out that there are two aspects to this problem of unorganized labour or migrant labour. One is finding an immediate solution to the problem, which most politicians and social workers are working for: to give some succor to them, provide them with some relief, distribute food packets to them, arrange some transport for them to either go home or come back. I believe there is lot of efforts to get them back to the city so that we can once again put them into the machine, as its nuts and bolts.

The other aspect of the problem is that there is a larger issue connected to this. In the last couple of decades, it is becoming clearer and clearer that we need a paradigm shift, if we have to save our world. We need a paradigm shift, if we have to save our environment, our ecology, our social system, our political system and the moral system. Of course, we are better off than most other countries, in-terms of the philosophical aspect of the problem. Because after all, we have tried to introduce this paradigm shift in our Freedom Movement itself, under the leadership of Gandhi and many, many enlightened people; including J C Kumarappa and so many others. We tried to actually imagine a world which will be sustainable, natural and egalitarian. Of course, that dream did not come true, and we have almost seventy years of politics after that, in what we call the independent India. However, in Independent India we just did politics, and completely forgot about the constructive activity or constructive program or the construction of the society from within the society itself, by the people themselves.

Today, we have landed in this deep crisis because of that. The whole world too has done that. I think the paradigm shift I was talking about which is badly needed, is centered around, how we look at labour. I would say that we have to make a complete shift in our attitude towards labour, in our attitude towards the village people, in our attitude to the peasant, in our attitude to the weaver, the cobbler, every other, what I call as the handmaking person. We should treat them as the future, as technicians for a system of production of the future. Not just as somebody who should be given food, food packets or who should be taken care of for his travel back to his homeland. I am not romanticizing, when I say this, I know they have huge problems; I know villages have huge problems, our villages have become unbearable. But then, there is one aspect of the village which I call the handmaking aspect of village, which is still amazingly retained in India as opposed to most of the developed countries. We should go behind the migrant labour, back to their villages, and learn the hand skills from them, the handloom from them, the rain-fed agriculture from them and various other handmaking technologies from them. And then provide the systems that are developed in the big cities with much expense, much intellect over the last few decades. The city should provide the mind – the good mind – not the bad mind. And the village provides the body, the good body.  This way, I think it can be done.

I belong to an organization called Gram Seva Sangh, which is an organization of organizations. Constructive organizations, working and mostly centered in Karnataka, but also outside of Karnataka. What we are trying to do, is to create an atmosphere for what I talked above. We have coined the new term called “Sacred Economy”. Sacred Economy is actually the reformation of the Gandhian model of economy, or the model dependant on the handmaking systems. Why have we reformed it, remodeled it, it is because, in the 21st century it will be almost impossible to go back to the handmaking system suddenly. So we have said, alright, let us have a labour centric economy, but since we cannot completely rule out automation, we can have some of that too. So in Sacred Economy we fixed the proportion not more than 40% of automation, and not less than 60% of labour. In fact, in this proportion most of our MSME comes into the picture, which means most of what we call the semi organized labour and the small industries in cities also come into it. Therefore in the Sacred Economy, the fully handmaking system, E.g. Khadi becomes completely sacred, but the other systems progressively become less sacred, but stay within the gamut of sacred. This way if we have to persuade the Government to adopt Sacred Economy, so they do not need to break down the other systems of production. But then they need to give a policy advantage to the Sacred Sectors.

In fact we firmly believe, Sacred Economy is the solution for all the three ills we are dealing in this world. It solves the problem of equity, because lot of people now coming into the cities, because of loss of jobs in the villages, will now get sufficient jobs wherever they are living. This means, we will be creating a decentralized society which will be made of much smaller units. It solves the climate crisis because energy intensive industries are disincentivized and thereby a lot of wasteful consumption of energy comes down.

And thirdly, this constitutes a better economic model in the post-economic collapse era after Covid-19. Let us understand that the economy that is ruling the roost today, which we have termed as the Monster Economy, has died. Monster Economy is dead! In fact, we are saying that if you try to revive the monster economy, the only way to do so is to put it into a ventilator. Eventually it is going to collapse.

The notion of the sacred Economy is also a solution to the economic crisis facing the world. So I want to talk to, not just the ordinary people, but economists, and the business people, and tell them, “You forget about lots of profits! Work for smaller profits and a better way of life. From you, we seek all your great systems for production, logistics, distribution, etc. I respect the big industries for the systems that they have created. We will remodel those systems and provide them to the village people, to the small sectors, to make the small sector viable economic model. This is what Sacred Economy is!“

I would like to push for it as long-term strategy, to solve the problem of migrant labour. I am not against the short-term policy of giving them succor, even we have done it to a small extent. But let us not be stuck with short term measures like relief & succor. You know, then we will be just doing that. Today it will be Migrant labour, tomorrow it will be some other, third day it may be climate problem, monsoon coming, or something, Let us therefore actually put our efforts behind the serious paradigm shift which will make this world a better world!         

  • Prasanna

Social Activist, Theatre Person, Mentor of Gram Seva Sangh

www.gramsevasangh.org